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The people of Burma were not surprised when they were informed about U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s sad story during his July 3-4 Burma-trip. At least it was a good lesson for the top diplomat that the military dictatorship in this country knows no international norms or diplomatic tradition at all.
The worst was that the junta treated the U.N. secretary-general as their pawn. The junta supervised his agenda and exploited the occasion.
Ban said he was "deeply disappointed" as he left Burma following his two-day visit, during which Senior General Than Shwe snubbed his requests to visit pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. "I pressed as hard as I could," Ban told reporters. "I had hoped that he would agree to my request, but it is regrettable that he did not."
According to Nyan Win, spokesman for the National League for Democracy, the trip was a failure for Ban. “We would like to say it was a great loss for him,” the NLD spokesman said.
As for Than Shwe, he made clear to the world that his regime will not follow the U.N.’s consecutive resolutions. The dictator knows the United Nations is a disabled body. In addition, the senior general is an expert in psychological warfare and a disciplined diplomat is no match for his cunning.
Than Shwe, showing off as the boss of Burma, is the man who has mercilessly suppressed the populace, murdered monks, and while the majority of the people starved, cheerfully organized a luxurious wedding for his daughter.
During his two-day visit, Ban met twice with Than Shwe at the new capital Naypyidaw, and was twice refused a visit to Aung San Suu Kyi, who is currently on trial for breaching the terms of her house arrest. Ban’s requests for the release of over 2,000 political prisoners and the resumption of dialogue toward reconciliation with the political opposition were also refused.
The U.N. chief expressed his disappointment, saying the Burmese regime failed to take an opportunity to show a new era of political openness.
"I am deeply disappointed that Senior General Than Shwe refused my requests," Ban said. "Allowing a visit to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have been an important symbol of the government's willingness to embark on the kind of meaningful engagement that will be essential if the elections in 2010 are to be seen as credible."
Than Shwe is using Ban’s goodwill visit as a way of deceiving the international community and distracting people from the key topic. Ordinary people in Burma are convinced that Than Shwe will never make any political concessions, especially with reference to Aung San Suu Kyi. He prefers putting her away in a dungeon or kicking her out of the country.
The junta’s refusal to let Ban visit Suu Kyi will probably be a new thrust for Security Council action. But the option is likely to be to count on China.
The 15-nation Security Council has been incapable of taking serious action in the case of military-ruled Burma. China, Burma’s next-door neighbor and a major ally, has been protecting Burma in order to exploit its natural resources. Like the United States, Britain, France and Russia, China holds permanent veto power in the council and can reject any action.
Besides, Beijing has no desire to allow the Security Council to impose sanctions on Myanmar/Burma. Burma’s seaside provides China with easy access to South Asia and African markets. Moreover, China supposes Burma as its protectorate.
According to some analysts, the United States and the European Union must put more pressure on the key cohorts of the junta – China, India and Russia. China supplies arms, ammunition and motor vehicles to Burma’s army of over 400,000 soldiers. Russia sold the junta a squadron of second-hand MIG-29 fighter jets, with the same power as U.S. F-16 fighters, for US$150 million in 2001. Russia also sold a 10 megawatt nuclear power facility to Burma. In addition, Moscow provides training for thousands of Burmese army cadets in various subjects on modern defense.
India continues to provide armaments and military assistance to the Burmese junta in return for natural resource concessions. Each of these three countries has provided millions of dollars worth of military hardware to the Burmese military, in so doing providing tools for further oppression. Moreover, Russia and China vetoed the U.N. Security Council resolution condemning Burma’s human rights record.
The junta is going out of its way to court the support of ASEAN, China and India for its political hoodwink of the 2010 election. At the same time it is riding roughshod over the National League for Democracy, which is the only challenger to its supremacy at home. Suu Kyi will not be allowed to contest the elections scheduled for 2010; the junta has made that clear already.
Ban Ki-moon gave a briefing on his visit to diplomatic missions, U.N. agencies, and international and local NGOs before leaving Rangoon on July 4.
“The question today is this: how much longer can Myanmar afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights? The cost of delay will be counted in wasted lives, lost opportunities and prolonged isolation from the international community,” he said in a remarkable speech in Rangoon.
He also said: “The government has articulated its goals as stability, national reconciliation and democracy. The upcoming election – the first in 20 years – must be inclusive, participatory and transparent if it is to be credible. Myanmar’s way forward must be rooted in respect for human rights. This is why I say that all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, should be released without delay.”
Furthermore, Ban stated again his suggestion to Than Shwe as soon as he arrived at Bangkok.
“I told Senior General Than Shwe that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners should be released without delay and allowed to participate freely in the political process. I said I wanted to see resumption of substantive and time-bound dialogue between the government and Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy at the higher level of engagement. I set out detailed criteria for a conducive environment for free and fair elections in 2010. Only then will the elections be seen as credible and legitimate,” he told journalists in Bangkok after he flew out of Rangoon.
Commenting on Ban’s remarks after his Burma visit, Win Tin, a veteran journalist and Central Executive Committee member of the NLD, said he hoped the secretary-general’s words would be followed by real action.
“I hope Mr Ban Ki-moon’s speech will not end just in Rangoon,” Win Tin said.
Nevertheless, Ban must now know that words without teeth will not budge the Burmese generals.
The Burmese people are so interested in what British Prime Minister Gordon Brown warned in his newspaper editorial earlier this month. Brown wrote: “If the Burmese regime refuses to engage, the international community must be prepared to respond robustly. We will not rest until Aung San Suu Kyi – and all those who share her commitment to a better and brighter future for Burma – are able to play their rightful role in it.”
The Burmese public feels it is time for Ban to raise this half-century-long political conflict in the U.N. Security Council. They hope for a global arms embargo against Burma's military junta, and an investigation into crimes against humanity and war crimes committed by the military regime.
By using such effectual pressure, the U.N. Security Council ought to drag the Burmese generals to the dialogue table.
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(Zin Linn is a freelance Burmese journalist living in exile in Thailand. He is working at the NCGUB East Office as an information director and is vice-president of Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers. He can be contacted at uzinlinn@gmail.com. ©Copyright Zin Linn.)
